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Huber, Timothy B. Lightfoot, Charles T. Little, Mark P.

Mertens, J. Wolohojian, and Sylvia Yount. Albis, Antoine d'. Apollinaire, Guillaume. Apraxine, Pierre.


Howat, Weston J. Naef, Edwin M. The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin, v. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Baetjer, Katharine. Bareau, Juliet Wilson.

Bashford Dean. Beard, Geoffrey W. Beeny, Emily A.

Chicago: University of Chicago Press, Benedek, Nelly Silagy. Benisovitch, Michel N. Biddle, James, Byron A. Rosselin describes how occupants of one-room apartments who lacked the extra physical barrier of a hallway felt the urge to im provise one.

To the American Susan Carlisle these fortified French houses mirror the for mal social behavior of the French in general. By relating physical barriers upon en tering a house to the experienced psychic barriers in social contact, Carlisle runs the danger of reading an interpretation straight from the static material structure of the house. Therefore, it is important to remind ourselves that, although the material structure of houses might not have changed for decades or even a century, the in habitants' behavior did change over the decades, as did the meaning related to the material structure.

He describes how in the s the "right to download" hous ing policy of Britain's Conservative Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher stimulated renters to download their rental homes from the local authorities. Those who did so im mediately tried to differentiate their facades from their neighbors'. By relating types of alterations and facade decorations to Thatcher's conservative rhetoric, Dolan con structs a typology of these homeowners.

Through political symbolism, the alterations and decorations express the national divide between owners and renters. Nostalgic imagery so widely used when domestic space is concerned is translated into politi cal iconography when related to Thatcher's stress on Britain's glorious past.

From this perspective the nation's well bei ng and future depended on prevailing domestic standards in raising its future cit ize ns and in organizing the household, the state's microcosm Crow It is worth comparing Dolan's British ideological interpretation of recent home owner ship chapter 5 with Rakoff's American ideological interpretation.

Rakoff exemplifies the Am erican psychological research tradition by showing how the ideological contradictions are mirrored in the psyche of American homeowners see also Cohn Irene Cieraad of implementing social reform by the introduction of "open plan" in urban and do mestic architecture.

At home an anthropology of domestic space.pdf

New towns mainly consisting of family houses were built to house working-class families from dilapidated inner-city areas. The open-plan living room reflected first and foremost its designers' interpretation of a new and modern way of life in which social borders and hierarchies were denied.

This interpretation would soon clash with the inhabitants' interpretation of their new residential envi ronment and open-living arrangement.

In this so-called failure of modernity debate, Attfield takes sides with the "muted" inhabitants by letting them speak for themselves. The inhabitants' alterations of the open plan into two separate rooms-the designers' proof of their failed intentions or the inhabitants' old-fashioned style and arrangement of furniture, so despised by designers, are different but legitimate interpretations of modernity, according to Att field.

She catches the power of individual consumers in the word "appropriation;' a concept coined by the British anthropologist Daniel Miller in opposition to the powerless, mass-related concept of "alienation" in traditional Marxist rhetoric.

She personifies the recent Anglo-Gallic mix of Miller's interpretation of material culture with a solid background in French ethnology.

This mix results in a comparison of property attitudes of"muted" consumers, so-called alienated ur banites living in tower blocks in a Parisian suburb, with property attitudes within the traditional Maori society of New Zealand.

By describing and analyzing the attitudes of the mainly working-class residents, not only toward their flats' interior decoration but also toward their two-home projects-having a second family residence in the country-Chevalier illustrates striking similarities in the way meaningful universes are constructed by modern consumers and tribal people alike.

Interviews with residents and notably their discourses on interior decoration di rect our attention to the narrated dimension in the construction of meaning. Dis courses are also practices-narrative practices-in which meanings are constructed, reaffirmed, activated, and reactivated over and again.


However, the recorded mean ings of objects may differ from the meanings enacted in dealings with objects. Since actual behavior has more credits than discourse in the traditional anthropological paradigm, there is a hierarchy of trustworthiness involved.

This hierarchy at pres8. Olson's research on communication and artifacts, and especially the expression of family relations in objects, confirms Chevalier's findings for the United States. Anthropology at Home ent may be contested, for i t was once created to support the scientific claims of the new ethnographic method of participant observation in tribal societies. Participant observation of tribal life and dealings had to compensate for the anthropologists' poor command of the language of the societies involved.

Semantics is the subject of chapter 8, "Home: The Experience of Atmosphere. By carefully scrutinizing the resi dents' answers to such questions as "When and where do you think it is most pleas ant in the house? Although spatial characteristics of the home environment may contribute, they are not as decisive as sociopsychological elements.

This chapter on atmosphere in the home confirms the emotionalization of do mestic space and conspires to support the myth of two worlds apart, the public and the private-worlds that since the nineteenth century have been divided along emo tional, moral, and economic lines; sculptured to opposing design patterns; and most frequently referred to as "work" and "home" Cieraad a; Nippert-Eng One of the most crucial consistencies in the experiences of the residents was their refer ence to home as a place to relax from work, thus confirming the liminal professional category of housewives whose work is in the home.

Chapter 9, "Negotiating Space in the Family Home," written by the British soci ologists Moira Munro and Ruth Madigan, deals with another aspect of housewives' liminal position. The same myth of two worlds apart endowed the private space of the home with its exclusive aura of privacy. Privacy came to be synonymous with the home and its inhabitants-the family-and this self-evidential link inhibited criti cal questions such as "Whose privacy is warranted in the home?

This patriarchal condition became in grained in the hierarchical organization of domestic space, separating males from fe males, junior family members from senior members, and domestic inferiors from the ir sup eriors.

By assigning every room its own function, an optimum amount of p rivacy was warranted for the head of the household Spain , m Even the very con fined domestic spaces of the lower classes were hierarchically organized. Nowadays, especially for those forced to live in cramped houses, privacy is an issue fo r negotiation between family members. Munro and Madigan illustrate the limi n al p ositi on of today's housewives when privacy is concerned.

Although housewives do n ot claim a room of their own, they have created their own privacy conditions in an e ffective combination of space and time zoning. However, not only is the pri Vate sp ace of the modern home often effectively zoned for space and time, but the p ublic space is also zoned in this way. The nineteenth-century split between public Irene Cieraad and private space was foremost a split enacted in gender behavior McDowell a. The rules of decency allowed upper-class women and children to be in public by day, not by night, and only in restricted, "safe;' and "clean" territories.

The late nineteenth-century discovery of bacteria and other germs reinforced the dangerous image of public space by "infecting" these places with permanent impu rity and fear of contamination. This very notion of public impurity was a major im petus in "The Domestication of Laundering;' the topic of chapter 10, written by Rudi Laermans and Carine Meulders, two Belgian sociologists.

The "outdoor" history of domestic laundering describes a spatial shift contrary to most household practices. The Practice of Contemplative Photography: This book teaches us how to fully connect with the visual richness of our ordinary, daily experience. Photography is not just a mechanical process; it requires learning how to see. As you develop your ability to look and see. The Practice of Contemplative Photography book. Read 28 reviews from the world's largest community for readers. Completely changed the way I practice photography.

Sep 19, Caelie rated it liked it.Lightfoot, Charles T. Participant observation of tribal life and dealings had to compensate for the anthropologists' poor command of the language of the societies involved.

As might be expected, anthropologists were not overrepresented. Semantics is the subject of chapter 8, "Home: The Experience of Atmosphere.

She catches the power of individual consumers in the word "appropriation;' a concept coined by the British anthropologist Daniel Miller in opposition to the powerless, mass-related concept of "alienation" in traditional Marxist rhetoric. Doing so opens the Macros popup window. Bolles, Marion Preston.

Lefkowitz, Joseph V. The recurrent practices in which meanings are imbued and coined are desig nated in the anthropological vocabulary as "rituals.